By Thomas L. Knapp Guest Commentary If there’s a single global through line to the politics of the last decade, that through line is the continuing fight over something called, by both its supporters and opponents, “populism.”
Donald Trump (the US). Narendra Modi (India). Viktor Orban (Hungary). Giorgia Meloni (Italy). Jair Bolsonaro (Brazil). Boris Johnson (the United Kingdom). A cast of thousands, a few still enjoying their 15 minutes and then some, many others at least temporarily out of the limelight.
The negative reactions, usually postured as defenses of “liberalism and democracy” against “illiberalism and authoritarianism,” are just as plentiful and, in places, at least marginally as successful … but not quite so big on cults of personality.
Rather odd, don’t you think? The “populists” pose as “the voice of the people” but center their efforts on backing individual leader figures, while their supposedly “elitist” opponents emphasize “the people” over particular representatives of same.
In reality, both sides are fake versions of “populism.”
The core underlying claim of populism is this: There are two classes of people, the “exploitative elites” and the
“righteous masses.”
That claim is true as far as it goes. The falsehood — or, being generous, error — is in identification of those two classes.
Today’s self-described populists identify the exploitative elites as those who either belong to, or pretend to support, particular easily scapegoated “out-groups” like racial, ethnic, religious, or sexual minorities. They identify the righteous masses as whoever falls for the scapegoating and flocks to Dear Leader’s banner.
Today’s self-described anti-populists identify the exploitative elites as the populists, whom they also identify with easily scapegoated “out-groups,” especially anyone who has more money than you. They identify the righteous masses as whoever falls for the scapegoating and flocks to the Leader Party’s banner.
In reality the two classes as identified in Charles Comte and Charles Dunoyer’s “libertarian class theory” in the 19th century — are the productive class (everyone who earns a living by producing and exchanging valuable goods and services — the righteous masses) and the political class (the exploitative elite who use government to exercise
Bureau of Labor Statistics, manufacturing employment in the Scranton metropolitan area was reduced by half between 1990 and 2016.
This is part of what has driven the Biden-Harris administration’s “place-based” approach to reinvigorating the US manufacturing sector. The administration’s landmark initiatives like the IRA, Bipartisan Infrastructure Law, and the CHIPS and Science Act.
As Ben Beachy, special assistant to the President for Climate Policy, Industrial Sector, and Community Investment, notes, “The administration is committed to ensuring that hard-hit communities and workers reap the rewards of this boom, including deindustrialized communities.”
Investments spurred by the IRA and other administration initiatives have flowed heavily into impacted communities in the Midwest, to states like Michigan and Indiana. And Electric Vehicle and battery manufacturing are taking root in states like Michigan, Ohio, and Illinois. E2’s Michael Timberlake says, “I think electric vehicles could soon be the second-biggest employer in the US for clean energy jobs.”
We know the climate crisis and the need to save our planet is driving an intense urgency for the shift to a clean energy future. But saving the planet is also the route to establishing US leadership in this next economy, as we race to overcome China’s head start in solar, wind, batteries, transmission cables, and the supply chains that support those and other products. And, maybe even more important, it is the way we bring back economic opportunity to millions of Americans and ease the pain that has helped lead to our division. This is one more way the movement to save the Earth can also heal our nation.
Ben Jealous is the Executive Director of the Sierra Club.
power and parasitically rake off a portion of the wealth the righteous masses produce).
Donald Trump and Kamala Harris, as members of the US political class, have a lot more in common with each other than either has in common with the average American.
Narendra Modi and Rahul Gandhi, as members of India’s political class, have a lot more in common with each other than either has in common with the average Indian.
And so on, and so forth.
So why the fake “populist” versus fake populist “antipopulist” posturing?
Because it WORKS. Any given political class faction may be on top or in waiting to get back on top at any given time, but those factions cooperate to ensure that the productive class remains in thrall to their various schemes and scams.
Politics is about power.
Realpolitik is about acting to maintain power, moral and ethical considerations be damned.
Real populism libertarianism — rejects political power, not just one political class faction.
Thomas L. Knapp is director of the William Lloyd Garrison Center for Libertarian Advocacy Journalism (thegarrisoncenter.org).
